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Lamentations, Book of: What can you tell me about the composition of the Book of Lamentations?

Approximate date: 586-538 B.C.E. (Right, some conservative-moderate); 500s B.C.E. (some conservative-moderate); 500s-300s B.C.E. (Left)
Author(s):
Jeremiah and/or Baruch (Right; some conservative-moderate); Baruch (some conservative-moderate); anonymous writers and editors (Left)
Location of prophet/author(s):
Land of Israel or Jerusalem (Right, conservative-moderate); Land of Israel, Jerusalem, and/or Babylon (Left)
Target audience and their location:
Southern Kingdom Israelites at the beginning of the Babylonian exile (Right, some conservative-moderate, Left); Southern Kingdom Israelites during the Babylonian exile (some conservative-moderate, some Left); Southern Kingdom Israelites after the Babylonian exile (some Left)

The traditional Hebrew title of the Book of Lamentation is Eikah (hkya), meaning either “how” or “alas” (cf. 1:1; 2:1; 4:1; Harrison, 1065). The Talmud actually refers to the text as qinot, meaning “lamentations” (b.Bava Batra 14b), followed by the Greek Septuagint’s title of Thrēnoi (QRHNOI) and Latin Vulgate’s Lamentationes. This book is a collection of laments that bewail the fall of Jerusalem to the Babylonians. Some believe that the common title “Lamentations” is misleading as the overall theme deals more with grief than laments (ECB, 617). Lamentations is placed among the five Megillot of the Tanach Writings in Jewish tradition, but placed immediately after the Book of Jeremiah in the Christian book order of the Old Testament following the Septuagint and Vulgate (Dillard and Longman, 304). Lamentations is specifically placed among the Megillot because of its usage for special occasions in Judaism, but the order of it being placed after Jeremiah was probably present among some First Century Jewish traditions (ABD, 4:138).

The text of Lamentations itself is strictly anonymous and claims no author. Jewish tradition ascribes some level of authorship to Jeremiah, sometimes based on 2 Chronicles 35:25: “Jeremiah chanted a lament for Josiah…they are also written in the Lamentations [Heb. ha’qinot, tAnyQh].” There is debate among theologians whether this is a direct reference to the Book of Lamentations, or some other piece. The Septuagint rendering of Lamentations 1:1 specifically names Jeremiah, though, as its author: “And it came to pass, after Israel was taken captive, and Jerusalem made desolate, that Jeremiah sat weeping, and lamented with this lamentation over Jerusalem” (Apostle’s Bible).

The authorship of Jeremiah for Lamentations is not impossible as we do see some similarity in style between Lamentations and Jeremiah 7:29; 8:21; 9:1, 10, 20. Jeremiah was an eyewitness to the judgment of God on Jerusalem that is thoroughly described in Lamentations. Jeremianic authorship of Lamentations is attested in the Talmud (b.Bava Batra 15a) and was followed by the Church Fathers (ISBE, 3:65).

Conservatives today generally lean toward some kind of Jeremianic involvement in Lamentations, but would concede that the laments may have actually been composed by Jeremiah’s scribe Baruch (NBCR, 659; NIDB, 580), accounting for some stylistic changes. “Theological similarities with Jeremiah were to be expected from anyone who accepted his teaching and that of the great prophets in general” (EXP, 6:696), and so some conservatives accept that Lamentations was composed entirely by Baruch. A reliable interpretation of the text should not insist upon Jeremianic authorship (Dillard and Longman, 304), as we cannot be entirely certain who finally authored these laments or compiled them together. The text should be dated sometime in the mid-to-late Sixth Century B.C.E., but even conservatives are not agreed whether it was written at the beginning, during, or at the end of the Babylonian exile.

Liberal theologians primarily lean to the laments being composed sometime after the Babylonian exile. All liberals favor an anonymous authorship of all of Lamentations, and concede that it may have been written from those among the priestly classes. Liberals severely doubt any kind of genuine Jeremianic involvement in Lamentations (IDB, 3:61, 62), and make light of the fact that the Jewish book order places it separate from the Book of Jeremiah (ABD, 4:138). Liberals will often attribute some changes in style throughout Lamentations to a plurality of voices being used in compiling the text (Jewish Study Bible, 1587), and argue that the ideas in Lamentations do not easily align with what is seen in Jeremiah (ISBE, 3:65). Conservatives point out that this is not an argument against Jeremianic involvement because the author of Lamentations is addressing a new situation that the Book of Jeremiah does not portray (Harrison, 1069).

A few radical liberals of the past proposed that the laments did not involve the destruction of Jerusalem at the hands of the Babyloninas, but rather the Second Century B.C.E. siege of Antiochus Epiphanes (IDB, 3:62; NBCR, 659). Today, however, some liberals are moving to the opposite side of the spectrum, in that “there is no strong reason to suppose that more than one person was responsible for these poems” (EDB, 785), and “have tended to view the book more holistically” (Dillard and Longman, 306). More evidence is seen to support Jeremianic authorship or involvement in Lamentations than what stands against it (Harrison, 1070).

The Hebrew text of Lamentations is in a relatively good state of preservation (ABD, 4:140). There are no significant deviations between the Hebrew Masoretic Text and the Greek Septuagint (EXP, 6:699), although the preservation of the LXX does demonstrate some issues. It is likely that the LXX translators used a different Hebrew source text than the present MT (Harrison, 1071).

The text of the Book of Lamentations is very poetic. The first, second, fourth, and fifth laments all contain 22 verses, reflecting the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet. Lamentations follows a distinct meter (ISBE, 3:66-67; ABD, 4:139-140). Lamentations is not unique in that there are other laments in Scripture, but is unique is that it is the only book of the Tanach exclusively devoted to laments. Many have viewed Jeremiah or Baruch as the one lamenting, but today a personified Jerusalem is now being suggested among interpreters (Dillard and Longman, 306). There are definitely parallels that exist between Lamentations and other Ancient Near Eastern texts that lament the fall of cities. These texts include: the Lamentation Over the Destruction of Ur, Lamentation Over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur, and Lamentation Over the Destruction of Nippur (Dillard and Longman, 307; EDB, 785).

Lamentations is traditionally read during the Hebrew month of Av, particularly on the Ninth of Av to remember the destruction of Solomon’s Temple in 586 B.C.E. (cf. Jeremiah 41:5; Zechariah 7:3-5; 8:19) and the Roman destruction of Jerusalem in 70 C.E. (Jewish Study Bible, 1589). The style of Lamentations plays a very important role in the development of Jewish liturgical prayer (IDB, 3:63). Lamentations is also a text that is commonly employed by Orthodox Jews praying regularly at the Western Wall in Jerusalem. In Roman Catholic tradition, Lamentations is often read during Holy Week to remember the sufferings and death of Yeshua the Messiah (New Interpreter’s Study Bible, 1141).

Lamentations forces its readers to remember the judgment of God and the pain that the Southern Kingdom had to endure for its disobedience. The text of Lamentations was clearly compiled to remind people of their duties before the Lord and how He uses human agents like the Babylonians to accomplish His ends. Lamentations would have been used on the part of the Southern Kingdom exiles to express some remorse for what they let happen, but also includes a message of hope for the repentant.

When reading Lamentations today, one often asks whether the worldview of today’s Christianity is substantially different from those who originally encountered its message. Does Lamentations minister to those who face calamity in today’s world? The Book of Lamentations largely focuses on corporate suffering in a similar way that the Book of Job focuses on individual suffering (Dillard and Longman, 311). Common Jewish views of Lamentations have viewed the text with great profundity, given the great deal of suffering that the Jewish people have had to experience throughout history (Jewish Study Bible, 1587). Repentance is the way to demonstrate thanksgiving for God’s faithfulness (ECB, 618), because “His compassion is greater than his anger (3:31-33…)” (Dillard and Longman, 312).

Presently, Lamentations is not a book of the Tanach that often receives a great deal of attention from today’s Messianics. Some will read Lamentations in conjunction with the month of Av, but most do not. Future Messianic examinations of Lamentations need to consider its relationship to the destruction of Jerusalem, and the issues that its original recipients/audience faced. Likewise, subjects that Lamentations forces us to consider include corporate suffering, the necessity of repentance, and the need to minister to the hurting. What kind of suffering does today’s Messianic movement actually face? Do we recognize the suffering of others in the worldwide Body of Messiah beyond our Messianic community?

Bibliography
Broomall, Wick. “Lamentations,” in NIDB, pp 579-580.
Clines, David J.A. “Lamentations,” in ECB, pp 617-622.
Dillard, Raymond B., and Tremper Longman III. “Lamentations,” in An Introduction to the Old Testament, pp 303-312.
Dobbs-Allsopp, F.W. “Lamentations, Book of,” in EDB, pp 785-787.
Ellison, H.L. “Lamentations,” in EXP, 6:695-733.
Gottwald, N.K. “Lamentations, Book of,” in IDB, 3:61-63.
_____________. “Lamentations,” in New Interpreter’s Study Bible, pp 1141-1152.
Grossberg, Daniel. “Lamentations,” in Jewish Study Bible, pp 1587-1602.
Harrison, R.K. “The Book of Lamentations,” in Introduction to the Old Testament, pp 1065-1071.
Hillers, Delbert R. “Lamentations, Book of,” in ABD, 4:137-141.
Soderlund, S.K. “Lamentations,” in ISBE, 3:65-68.
Stephens-Hodge, L.E.H. “Lamentations,” in NBCR, pp 659-663.

posted 23 June, 2007


Law of Moses, Binding on Christians: Do you believe that the Torah or Law of Moses is binding on Christians?

We do not prefer to say that the Torah is “binding” on Believers for the simple fact that Yeshua says, “My yoke is easy and My burden is light” (Matthew 11:30), and He observed the commandments of the Law of Moses perfectly and without error (Matthew 5:17-19), thus becoming our perfect sacrifice. We do, however, prefer to say that the Torah is valid and relevant instruction from God for all Believers, upheld as such by Yeshua and the Apostles.

Within Christianity, there is the notion that in order to live a proper life in accordance with the Bible we need to do what Jesus did, perhaps reemphasized today with the popular slogan: “What Would Jesus Do?” We could not agree more. But, if we are to follow the example of our Messiah, we should live as He did. Today’s Church has lost much of its moral direction because of downplaying the role of the Torah, and today’s emerging Messianic movement has a great job to do in redirecting the attention of concerned Believers back to the faith of the First Century.

Yeshua lived as a Jewish Rabbi in First Century Israel and obeyed His Father's commandments, including those things that much of Christianity has deemed “unnecessary,” such as the seventh-day Sabbath, the appointed times of Leviticus 23, and the kosher dietary laws—which Messianics do not believe have been “done away with.”

If you were to pinpoint us and say, “Do you believe that the Law of Moses is applicable today?” we would say yes. But asking if it is “binding upon Christians” may imply that obeying our Heavenly Father is a “burden,” and is intended to be legalistic bondage. This is not what the Lord wants. Obedience to God must come from the heart, and our motivation must come forth via the work of the Holy Spirit inside of us, rather than the flesh. Obedience to the Torah should come because we want to live as our Messiah Yeshua lived, and demonstrate good works as a result of an inward transformation that has taken place. Do note that the greatest commands in the Torah are to love God and love others (Deuteronomy 6:5; Leviticus 19:18; Matthew 22:37-40; Mark 12:28-34; Luke 10:25-28).

If the whole concept of “Torah observance” is new to you, please consult the available publications: Hebraic Roots: An Introductory Study, Introduction to Things Messianic, and The New Testament Validates Torah.

updated 08 November, 2006


Least in the Kingdom: What does it mean to be “least in the Kingdom”?

There is a variance of interpretations in the Messianic movement regarding what being “least of the Kingdom” means. In Matthew 5:19, Yeshua the Messiah says, “Whoever then annuls one of the least of these commandments, and teaches others to do the same, shall be called least in the kingdom of heaven; but whoever keeps and teaches them, he shall be called great in the kingdom of heaven.” What we may assume from these words is that one’s status in the Kingdom of God is determined by how one handles the Torah. If one teaches the Torah, and encourages others to keep its commandments, that person will be considered great in the Kingdom. If one teaches against the Torah and its commandments, that person will be considered the least.

One of the most sobering words from our Lord comes in Matthew 13:41-42, speaking of His return. Yeshua says that when He returns, “The Son of Man will send forth His angels, and they will gather out of His kingdom all stumbling blocks, and those who commit lawlessness, and will throw them into the furnace of fire; in that place there will be weeping and gnashing of teeth.” He also says, “Not everyone who says to Me, ‘Lord, Lord,’ will enter the kingdom of heaven, but he who does the will of My Father who is in heaven will enter. Many will say to Me on that day, ‘Lord, Lord, did we not prophesy in Your name, and in Your name cast out demons, and in Your name perform many miracles?’ And then I will declare to them, ‘I never knew you; depart from Me, you who practice lawlessness’” (Matthew 7:21-23).

These references to lawlessness, or anomia (anomia), are references to those who deny the place of the Torah in their lives. Some have interpreted being “least” in the Kingdom as not being in the Kingdom at all. Unfortunately, there are some in the Messianic community who make it their job to judge the salvation of many who are not pursuing a Torah observant lifestyle as they are. It is not our job to judge the salvation of anyone. But, it is our job to take the words of the Messiah very seriously. If we are not pursuing compliance with what He has told us concerning the Torah, then where will we be spending eternity? The Torah is God’s standard of what He considers acceptable and unacceptable. If we are not pursuing an acceptable lifestyle, then are we in rebellion to God? Are we making ourselves out to be God?

The Messiah attaches rewards to those who keep the commandments of the Torah and teach them to others, and penalties to those who do not keep the commandments and teach others to break them. The word “least” or elachistos (elacistoß) is of extreme importance. AMG defines this as, “The least, minimal in magnitude,” “in number and quantity,” “in rank or dignity,” “in weight or importance” (p 561). What does this mean? Does it mean that many who have taught that the Torah is no longer to be followed are going to be given few rewards in the Kingdom? Again, it is not our place to judge the status of anyone, but we must heed the Lord’s words and endeavor to follow His admonitions.

We believe that being “least in the Kingdom” is an admonition concerning one’s final status in eternity. We believe that these people will be in the Kingdom, even if they might be Christians who right now are not really Torah obedient. Thankfully, however, one’s status in the Kingdom is ultimately determined by God Himself as He is the final Judge of all human beings.

updated 08 November, 2006


Leavening Agents: How can I determine what is, and what is not, kosher for the Passover season?

One of the major Biblical injunctions concerning Passover is to eat unleavened bread for seven days, remembering the bread of haste that the Ancient Israelites had to eat as they left Egypt (Deuteronomy 16:3). By extension, not only does the command pertain to eating unleavened bread, but it is a week-long prohibition against eating anything with leavening agents. This has been interpreted and applied in different ways, with some divergent halachah, in the Jewish community over the centuries.

The Talmud, for example, specifically rules that there are five types of grain that can be used for the production of matzah or unleavened bread: wheat, barley, oats, rye, and spelt (b.Pesachim 35a), and notably the list does not include rice and millet. Ashkenazic authorities would later extend the list of forbidden grains to include “legumes” such as beans, peas, corn, lentils, buckwheat, and sometimes peanuts. The prohibition exists because of the belief that flour made from these substances could be easily confused with leavened flour. It is notable that the addition of legumes comes largely from Medieval European Jewry, having made contact with the New World, and debates over what grains are “kosher for Passover” do not come from the First Century. In more modern times, various segments of Orthodox Ashkenazic Jewry have liberalized their stance on whether or not rice, beans, or corn can be eaten at Passover, as prohibitions against eating these things were largely given for a different time. Of course, this has not stopped many Ashkenazics from other branches of Judaism from eating “legumes” during the season of Passover.

Generally, Jewish halachah in both the Ashkenazic and Sephardic communities permits matzah to be mixed with grape juice, oil, or egg for the young and infirm. Egg matzos for Passover are not intended to be eaten by everyone during this time, although if one is confused, consulting one’s rabbi is recommended.

Much of the confusion surrounding what is “kosher for Passover” in the Messianic community comes from non-Jewish Believers who were not raised in the Synagogue (or possibly even adjacent to any sizeable Jewish community), and hence are not familiar with the customs and traditions surrounding this holiday. In the Jewish community, for example, it is not uncommon for most homes to have a special set of dishes just to be used for Passover and Unleavened Bread. In some sects, kosher for Passover toothpaste, bottled drinking water, Coca-Cola, and even toilet paper is available. When some people see all of the Rabbinical injunctions, they easily get confused, even though they do not need to be.

The commandment regarding unleavened bread in the Scriptures pertains to eating and one’s daily consumption. Obviously, any kind of bread or cereal that has yeast cannot be eaten. Various kinds of alcohol that have been produced with yeast (i.e., beer) cannot be consumed. This does not necessarily mean that one has to buy “kosher for Passover” cheese, because the cows who provided milk for the cheese ate corn for their diet. Most of the questionable items pertain to things that one would normally eat bread with, and you should check to see if there is a kosher for Passover section at your supermarket. This should give you a good idea about what you can eat. You may also want to consult a Jewish cookbook that will have many kosher for Passover recipes. More than anything else, we would urge you not to feel condemned if you make a few mistakes in an effort to be kosher during Passover. God’s grace covers our sins, our “leaven,” and when we find that we do make mistakes, we try to quickly rectify them.

posted 14 April, 2006
Virtual Passover


Left Behind Books: What is your opinion of the Left Behind books?

We do not believe that the Left Behind books should be taken very seriously, per se, because they are a fictional extrapolation of how co-authors Tim LaHaye and Jerry Jenkins believe the Tribulation period will occur.

Although we can agree with the possibilities of much of LaHaye’s Tribulation scenario, we do not agree with his pre-tribulation rapture position. Thus, we would urge some caution in reading his books, which have become quite popular in the secular arena as pure fiction. However, at the very least, these books have stimulated a new interest in Bible prophecy among many Believers, and hopefully God can use this to get people to begin examining prophetic Scriptures for themselves.

updated 27 April, 2006


Leviticus, Book of: What can you tell me about the composition of the Book of Leviticus?

Approximate date: 1440-1400 B.C.E. (Right); 1300-1200 B.C.E. (conservative-moderate); 500s B.C.E. (Left)
Author:
Moses exclusively (Right); Moses, Joshua, and later editors (conservative-moderate); compiled traditions and mythologies (Left)
Location of author:
wilderness journey after the Exodus (Right, conservative-moderate); Babylon and/or Land of Israel (Left)
Target audience and their location:
people of Israel wandering in the desert (Right, conservative-moderate); Jewish exiles returning from Babylon (Left)

The third book of the Torah bears the Hebrew name Vayikra (arqYw), meaning “and He called,” derived from its first verse, “Then the Lord called to Moses and spoke to him from the tent of meeting.” Our English term Leviticus is derived from its Greek Septuagint title, Leuitikon (LEUITIKON), which means “pertaining to the Levites.” This carried over into the Latin Vulgate as Liber Leviticus. Some Jewish traditions, notably in the Mishnah (Harrison, 589), refer to this text as torat kohanim (~ynhK trAT), “the instruction of the priests,” or various derivatives (Jewish Study Bible, 203). The service of the priests in the life of Israel is undeniably a major feature of this book (ABD, 4:312).

The Book of Leviticus functions as part of a long narrative beginning in Exodus 25 with the giving of the Tabernacle instructions. Leviticus continues these instructions, with the only discontinuity occurring when laws regulating Israel proper are given (NIDB, 593). As Leviticus begins, we see that the Tabernacle has been manufactured, and now Israel needs to know how to function with it present, becoming a special nation unto God (EXP, 2:501). The instruction contained in Leviticus makes up almost a third of the Torah, and spans about a year of the Israelites’ sojourn. Many commentators think that the giving of many of the commandments in Leviticus is interwoven with the proclamation of the Decalogue on Mount Sinai (Exodus 19-20), and probably also the covenant ceremony (Exodus 21-24).

The textual themes of Leviticus often concern the special duties of the Levites, as well as the service of worship at the Tabernacle (later to be applied to the Jerusalem Temple). It is absolutely accurate to conclude, “Leviticus consists almost entirely of law and ritual” (ABD, 4:312). However, even though the important role of the priests is detailed in Leviticus, this book is not solely concerned with priests. Leviticus ultimately concerns all of the people of Israel (ISBE, 3:111; New Interpreter’s Study Bible, 145).

In the Jewish theological tradition, Leviticus sits at the center and “heart” of the Torah. It is often used early to introduce Jewish children to the commandments of the Torah, so they can learn to be viable members of the religious community. Leviticus is fairly straightforward, and it is not difficult to inculcate its principles into one’s psyche. As Allis notes, “Leviticus is in no sense an esoteric book. The people were entitled and expected to know exactly what was required of them, and of their priests, in that service of the sanctuary was so deeply concerned every Israelite” (NBCR, 140).

Christian handling of Leviticus is often vastly different than compared to that of Judaism. Christian exegetes often have a very difficult time understanding the holiness code contained in Leviticus. Among theologians and teachers who examine Leviticus, there is often a great deal of allegorizing of the text (Dillard and Longman, 73). Many only prefer to look at the Messianic symbolism of Leviticus, solely interpreting it in light of the “Christ event.” There is significant difficulty in reading Leviticus because it contains a great deal of commandments that many believe are no longer valid (EXP, 2:513-514), but Jewish New Testament studies are revealing more and more that Yeshua and the Apostles not only observed these things in the First Century, but upheld their validity as a standard to be continued. Commandments of considerable difficulty for Christians to understand are those of clean/unclean and pure/impure. They are often regarded as being archaic, not as simple elements of the obedience that God requires of His people (EXP, 2:524-530). In defense of Christian exegesis and commentary on Leviticus, though, many have made valid comparisons between the service of the priests and the service of ministers and pastors in local churches today (ISBE, 3:111).

The Book of Leviticus deals with several kinds of regulations: worship, ceremonial cleanness, various moral laws, God’s appointed times, the Sabbatical year, and the year of Jubilee. Most of these commandments were delivered by God to Moses during the year that Ancient Israel encamped at Mount Sinai. How many were actually given while Moses was on the mountain, versus when he was in the Tent of Meeting, cannot be fully known.

The key theme of the Book of Leviticus is undeniably the holiness of God and how He wants His people to be separated out. He says, “I am the Lord who brought you up from the land of Egypt to be your God; thus you shall be holy, for I am holy” (11:45), a theme repeated throughout not only the Tanach, but also the Apostolic Scriptures. Leviticus may be divided into five principal sections: the sacrificial system (chs. 1-7), the inaugural service of the sanctuary (chs. 8-10), the laws of impurities (chs. 11-16), the holiness code (chs. 17-26), and the commutation of gifts of the sanctuary (ch. 27) (IDBSup, pp 541-545).

We see in these subdivisions that God wants His people to be transferred into the realm of being clean and sacred. Leviticus requires perfect animals to be sacrificed (chs. 1-7), and that only priests without physical deformity can serve (chs. 8-10). Signs of physical blemish are listed, including: a woman’s discharge after birth (ch. 12); sores, burns, or certain types of baldness (chs. 13-14); a man’s seminal discharge (15:1-18). Jewish and Christian commentators today are not fully agreed as to whether such signs signify ritual impurity and/or spiritual impurity. However, before one can reenter the camp of Israel, certain types of sacrifice may need to be offered.

With Leviticus, we see that God begins to establish His theocracy through the people of Israel. Notable sacrifices among those categorized would include those for the Day of Atonement (ch. 16), a day of national mourning and repentance. Between the commandments given in Leviticus sit two major narratives: the death of Nadab and Abihu (10:12-19), and God imparting Israel the eye-for-eye principle (24:17-22). Interestingly, when considering these, and other points in Leviticus, some liberal commentators have considered the commandments in Leviticus to demonstrate some key salvation principles:

“Hebrew law is Heilsgesetz, ‘sacred and saving law.’ Heilsgesetz in the OT not only records and is the revelation of a divine order of society but also seeks to establish such a society in the commonwealth of Israel. The character and function of Leviticus then is summed up in this idea of Heilsgesetz” (IDB, 3:120).

Apparently, a critical part of God’s salvation demonstrated toward human beings is understanding His sacredness. Any reading of Leviticus cannot fail to consider this.

The authorship of Leviticus, as with all books of the Pentateuch, is a debated issue among conservative and liberal theologians. Ancient tradition, both Jewish and Christian, ascribes authorship of Leviticus to Moses (NIDB, 593). It is notable that almost every chapter of the text includes the phrase “The Lord spoke to Moses” (NBCR, 140; ISBE, 3:111), pointing to some kind of Mosaic involvement.

Conservative theologians today generally will accept principal Mosaic involvement in the composition of Leviticus, especially as “These are the commandments which the Lord commanded Moses for the sons of Israel at Mount Sinai” (27:34). Specific commandments are given by God to Moses in Leviticus (i.e., 1:1; 4:1; 6:1) a fact confirmed in the New Testament (Romans 10:5). Most conservatives will, however, concede that Moses probably did not compose Leviticus in its final form, and will allow for some pre- and/or post-exilic redaction of the text. Harrison notes that “Egyptian material…was revised from time to time by various generations of scribes” (p 592), and it is possible that the Ancient Israelites may have employed similar techniques. What is perhaps more significant for us to consider, as Wenham indicates, is that “Leviticus claims throughout to record what God revealed to Moses; nowhere does it ever state that Moses wrote down what he heard” (ISBE, 3:112). Most Messianics would argue for exclusive Mosaic authorship of Leviticus, including his penning it with his own hand. They would have difficulty with the view that Moses may have given the information God relayed to him to scribes, or someone in his inner circle, to then write down (Ibid.). But even if Moses did not actually write down Leviticus with his own hand, he is still ultimately its author.

In favor of its antiquity, conservatives point out that the strong theological assertion present in Leviticus is that it prepares Israel for living in the Promised Land (Ibid, 3:113). Arguments that are commonly made in favor of Leviticus being originally written around the time of the Exodus often stem from comparison with other literature in the Ancient Near East (EXP, 2:503-504). The law code present in Leviticus is not unique to the Second Millennium B.C.E (Ibid., 2:515-516), and the establishment of the covenant between Israel and its God was consistent with other agreements made in the Second Millennium B.C.E. as well (Ibid., 2:517-518). Harris asserts, “God used Moses’ extensive legal background and knowledge of the common law of the East, and thus some of the laws are of the familiar case-type law” (Ibid., 2:519). What makes Leviticus unique when compared to the other law codes of the Ancient Near East is how Israel’s God is so concerned for His people, rather than Israel being God’s “slaves.” The priestly nature of the text confirms this, incorporating the reality that they would be responsible for training the people, which itself is “a tradition that was established by the Sumerians….[and] the same can be said for ancient Egypt” (Harrison, 591).

Liberal theologians, in stark contrast to the conservative view of dating Leviticus back to the Second Millennium B.C.E, commonly ascribe authorship to P or the so-called Priestly writer (see Genesis FAQ entry for a summarization of the JEDP documentary hypothesis), often ignoring any conservative opinion (IDB, 3:117-118; ABD, 4:319-320). Some apply P authorship to just chs. 1-16, and the holiness code of chs. 17-26 to a theoretical H (IDB, 3:119-120). Liberals assume a very late date for Leviticus’ composition, usually 500-450 B.C.E. after the return of the Jewish exiles from Babylon, and often describe the material as “Josaianic” (Dillard and Longman, 74), having originated during the reign of King Josiah. They will often argue that the P material is difficult to reconcile with other material in the Torah (Jewish Study Bible, 205), and critics of the JEDP hypothesis will sometimes claim that the so-called P source comes from an “Hegelian evolutionary philosophy” (NIDB, 593) of thesis-antithesis-synthesis.

Liberal scholars will often claim that the complexities of Leviticus cannot be present in a document that dates from between 1500-1300 B.C.E., but this is challenged by many conservatives who argue that there were more complicated religious systems in place before this time. “Elaborate rituals and sacrificial systems are attested in the Ancient Near East long before the time of Moses. The normal critical view that these institutions are a late feature of Israelite religion is contrary to what is known about the religious practices in neighboring contemporary culture” (ISBE, 3:112). Further critiques of the liberal hypothesis of dating Leviticus rather late is that no situation would have presented itself in Babylon requiring the separation of clean and unclean animals (Harrison, 594), requiring this code to have previously existed, and also the fact that leprosy was widely known as a disease as far back as the Third Millennium B.C.E. (Ibid., 594-595), likewise requiring some kind of pre-exilic regulation.

In recent days, the common liberal view of Leviticus has been changing in certain schools. The unity of the text in relationship to the entire Torah is being acknowledged. “Rhetorically, the material…is presented as the direct ‘word of God’ and thus makes a claim to absolute and unchallengeable authority” (New Interpreter’s Study Bible, 146; cf. IDBSup, 541; Dillard and Longman, 76). While P is sometimes described as “least difficult” (IDB, 3:117) of the Pentateuchal sources that liberals identify, liberal Jewish scholars are challenging its rather late dating, and are beginning to argue for a much earlier dating of P, leading just a few to consider some kind of Mosaic involvement. Furthermore, literary examinations of the Torah are causing many to seriously question the JEDP hypothesis, and Leviticus is no exception (Harrison, 598). Ironically, classical liberals often admit “Jesus canonized Leviticus once for all” (IDB, 3:122), especially with the Messiah’s emphasis on God’s love.

Few divergences exist among extant editions of the Hebrew Masoretic Text of Leviticus (IDBSup, 541). Fragments of Leviticus in paleo-Hebrew or Phoenician script were discovered at Qumran, even though they are often dated from the Second-First Centuries B.C.E. (ABD, 4:318). Both the Samaritan Pentateuch and Greek Septuagint editions of Leviticus reflect various interpretative traditions in their renderings, allowing some theologians to conclude that the Hebrew source text behind these versions was older than today’s extant MT (Ibid.). It is notable that the LXX includes some distinct Pharisaical interpretations of commandments. The Apostles’ usage of the LXX in their writings should make some of these halachic judgments authoritative for Messianics today, which often parallel the customs of mainline Judaism today, and not some of the small sectarian movements of the First Century.

In evangelical Christian theology, teachings on Leviticus often include the critical need to know about the New Testament emphases on loving one’s neighbor (19:18; cf. Matthew 5:43; 19:19; 22:39; Mark 12:31; Luke 10:27; Romans 13:9; Galatians 5:24). In an historical sense, evangelicals will often emphasize how one needs to understand the laws and customs found in Leviticus that Yeshua observed as a Jew living on Earth. Coupled with this is the fact that we need to understand the Levitical priesthood, and its relationship to Yeshua’s priesthood described in Hebrews (ISBE, 3:115; Dillard and Longman, 81-82). The Tabernacle system is, to a degree, internalized in Believers’ hearts (2 Corinthians 6:16; cf. NBCR, 141-412; ISBE, 3:113). Evangelicals are right to emphasize the fact that when compared to ancient religions, a strong thrust of Leviticus’ message is on seeing one’s relationship to God restored (ISBE, 3:115). The concern of God for the well-being of His people is thoroughly demonstrated in the detail of Leviticus (Harrison, 603-612).

A great deal of Leviticus cannot be kept today without an operating Tabernacle or Temple, and Messianic Believers who often argue in favor of the continuance of all of the Torah often fail to recognize that the work of Yeshua has set aside the Levitical sacrificial system (Hebrews 7:18). This position, however, is not adhered to by most, who will instead often highlight only the parts of Leviticus that can be observed in the modern world, such as the kosher dietary laws or the appointed times. It should be noted, however, that while there is a broad consensus that the seventh-day Sabbath, appointed times, and dietary regulations should still be followed, there are diverse opinions and views about how these things should be followed. Some sectors of the Messianic movement lack a consideration for the style of halachah as demonstrated by Yeshua and the Apostles in First Century Judaism, instead preferring to reconstruct how they believe various commandments should be followed from the text. However, this is limited only to a few, and more and more Messianics who study Leviticus every year are making profound connections to how its commandments are applied in the Apostolic Scriptures.

The holiness of God that He requires of His people is something that must be emphasized in today’s generation—and it is seen all throughout Leviticus. Many will simply label the last third of Leviticus (17:1-25:55) as the “holiness code,” with God emphasizing the consequences of obedience and disobedience, but holiness is much more than just “do’s and don’ts.” God desires His people to be holy just like He is, and be separated out from the ways of the world. Many holiness movements in the past several centuries have notably used verses from Leviticus that focus on ethics and morality, such as the German Piety movements and Wesleyan movements of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. These movements, however, often did not understand Leviticus in its totality for Believers as is emphasized in today’s emerging Messianic movement.

With this in mind, the Messianic community today needs to understand that it has been endowed with a sacred trust from the Lord to convey the fullness of His holiness, demonstrated by not only commandments dealing with morality, but also how we conduct ourselves outwardly as His people. We are often quick to judge our Christian brethren for their lack of following many of Leviticus’ outward commandments, in spite of the fact that many sincere Christians remain true to God’s ethical commandments. As Wenham summarizes, “It seems fair to say that the NT only accepts the moral law of the OT but reiterates [its] basic theology” (ISBE, 3:117). Harris further remarks, “we can learn principles of atonement, prayer, faith, and grace from Israel’s ceremonies of justice in business, honor in home, truth in speech, and so forth, from Israel’s civil legislation” (EXP, 2:519). Building on foundations such as these, with Yeshua as the focus, should make it easier to emphasize other points seen in Leviticus such as Sabbath or kosher observance.

There are some notable weaknesses in the Messianic community concerning Leviticus, notably with a lack of engagement with current conservative scholarship concerning its antiquity. Too much attention has probably been given to ultra Orthodox and/or Chassidic Jewish commentaries on Leviticus, at the expense of examining its historical setting. Another valid critique that could be given is that some Messianics base their interpretations of Torah commandments solely on what is seen in Leviticus, and they are not reconciled with their counterparts in Deuteronomy, which may add further details, to say nothing how they are applied elsewhere in the Bible. Furthermore, a lack of understanding some of Leviticus’ regulations in light of the Ancient Near East can lead to some misinterpretation with how they are applied in the Apostolic Scriptures.

Of all of the issues that we need to consider when reading Leviticus is the need for us to truly understand that this text is Heilsgesetz, or “sacred and saving law.” We need to understand how to focus on the missional aspects of Leviticus and how the Lord is concerned with the well-being of His people. We need to emphasize that God wants to have communion with His people, and be restored to them—themes ultimately embodied in His Son, Yeshua the Messiah.

Bibliography
Allis, Oswald T. “Leviticus,” in NBCR, pp 140-167.
Davies, G. Henton. “Leviticus,” in IDB, 3:117-122.
Dillard, Raymond B., and Tremper Longman III. “Leviticus,” in An Introduction to the Old Testament, pp 73-82.
Harris, R. Laird. “Leviticus,” in EXP, 2:501-654.
Harrison, R.K. “The Book of Exodus,” in Introduction to the Old Testament, pp 518-613.
____________. “Leviticus,” in NIDB, 593.
Hayes, John H. “Leviticus,” in New Interpreter’s Study Bible, pp 145-188.
Levine, Baruch A. “Leviticus, Book of,” in ABD, 4:311-320.
Milgrom, J. “Leviticus,” in IDBSup, pp 541-545.
Schwartz, Baruch J. “Leviticus,” in Jewish Study Bible, pp 203-280.
Wenham, G.J. “Leviticus,” in ISBE, 3:110-117.

posted 16 November, 2006


Liturgy, Hebrew: What do you think about the use of Hebrew liturgy in Messianic congregations?

There are generally two extremes that one encounters among Messianic congregations as it relates to Hebrew liturgy: (1) those who rely on liturgy exclusively, and (2) those who see no value in liturgy at all. Those who rely on liturgy exclusively for prayers and worship are those that often embrace a strictly Orthodox Jewish style of halachah, whereas those who often see no value in liturgy are largely influenced by charismatic and/or Pentecostal Christianity.

Any cursory examination of Second Temple Judaism will reveal that liturgical prayer and worship was an important part of the religious expression of Jewish life. For the most part, the type of liturgy from this period that was used included singing Scripture to music, employing Psalms in daily and corporate prayer, and various other praises issued to God in the Temple service. While varied traditions existed from community to community, and between Judean and Diaspora Judaism, liturgy was nevertheless an important part of the Jewish world Yeshua and the Apostles were a part of.

The use of liturgy was not only limited to ancient Jewish worship, as the early Christian movement of the Second Century modeled its worship style after the Synagogue, employing many of the same prayers or praises, as well as new prayers or praises based on the Gospels and Apostolic texts. Certainly, spontaneous prayers were also a major part of Christian worship, probably more so than what we see in the Synagogue. Throughout most of Christian history, liturgical worship has given structure to corporate services, notably being seen today in the Eastern Orthodox, Roman Catholic, and Anglican traditions.

Today’s emerging Messianic movement sits between the two major liturgical traditions seen in Judaism and Christianity. Not surprisingly, many Messianic congregations use Jewish liturgy to structure their worship services. Most Messianic congregations do not use the amount of liturgy that an Orthodox synagogue would employ, and so the amount is usually somewhere in between what is seen in Conservative and/or Reform synagogues—not that much unlike various Protestant traditions that use a moderate amount of liturgy. There are some Messianic congregations that use no liturgy at all, or for that matter have a structured worship service, often modeling themselves off of a style of charismatic Christian worship unique to the Twentieth, and now Twenty-First Century.

We would encourage Messianic congregations to use a moderate amount of liturgy, be it in the form of traditional prayers and praises, as a way to not only give structure and organization to worship—but also to invite a reverent attitude to the assembly. It can be easily said that with all of the vibrant song and dance seen at many Messianic congregations, there does need to be a moment when the music stops, there is no dancing, and the people join in one accord and one voice in proclaiming who God is. Of course, the amount of liturgy used is an issue that must be determined by the local needs of an assembly. Likewise, not all of the liturgy need be in Hebrew, as a significant amount of it can be done in English (or whatever other native language is spoken).

For a further discussion of this, and related subjects, consult the editor’s article “The Proper Protocol.

posted 07 June, 2007


Lord’s Day (first of the week): I have been taught that the Apostles met on the first day of the week, Sunday, which was the Lord’s Day. How do you reconcile this will the belief that they kept the Sabbath?

It is important to understand the Hebraic way of how time is determined. Genesis 1:5b says, “there was evening and there was morning, one day.” From the start of Creation, it has been understood that the day Biblically begins in the evening. J.H. Hertz notes in his work Pentateuch & Haftorahs, “The day, according to the Scriptural reckoning of time, begins with the preceding evening” (p 2). The Sabbath or Shabbat begins on what we consider to be Friday evening and ends on Saturday evening. The first day begins on what we often consider to be Saturday evening. When the early Believers in the First Century met on the “first day,” it would not have been on Sunday as we consider it, but it would rather have been on Saturday evening to commemorate Havdalah, which is a customary tradition following the departure of the Sabbath as the upcoming six working days are consecrated unto God. Acts 20:7 in the NEB correctly reflects that the meeting of the Believers at Troas took place “On the Saturday night.”

As the emerging Christian Church separated itself from its Hebraic Roots by the beginning of the Second Century, the “first day” took on a new meaning as the Jewish leadership was replaced by non-Jewish leadership that had not been reared in the Synagogue. The Romans considered the new day to begin at 12:00 Midnight, as does today’s modern Western calendar.

As far as “the Lord’s Day” is concerned, it is important to note that the phrase only appears once in the Bible itself. It appears in Revelation 1:10 when the Apostle John says, “I was in the Spirit on the Lord’s Day.” Most Christian expositors believe that this was Sunday. But this conclusion cannot be drawn from internal evidence within the Scriptures themselves. The Greek phrase tē kuriakē hēmera (th kuriakh hmera) speaks of a day or time period that is specifically becoming of the Lord. Given the scope of the subject matter of the Book of Revelation, it is more likely that “the Lord’s Day” is in actuality speaking of the Day of the Lord or Yom Adonai (hwhy ~Ay), spoken of quite frequently in the Tanach (Old Testament) in relation to the end-times. The only difference with the usage of “Lord’s Day” instead of “Day of the Lord” is the fact that the emphasis is on the Lord rather than the time period itself. This is evidenced by the fact that Revelation is indeed a revealing of Yeshua the Messiah to His servant John, and Yeshua’s defeat over Satan is the overarching theme of the book at the End of the Age.

External evidence suggests that by the early Second Century the phrase “the Lord’s Day” became attached to Sunday, which by this time had supplanted the Biblical Sabbath. The first extra-Biblical usages of “the Lord’s Day” occur in the writings of Ignatius, bishop of Antioch. In about 110-120 C.E., about twenty years after the death of John, Ignatius wrote that we are to “no longer [be] observing the Sabbath, but living in the observance of the Lord's Day” (Epistle of Ignatius to the Magnesians 9). He also wrote, “It is absurd to speak of Jesus Christ with the tongue, and to cherish in the mind a Judaism which has now come to an end” (Epistle of Ignatius to the Magnesians 10), as he considered anything having to do with the Torah or the Sabbath to be antiquated and largely obsolete. In 2 Thessalonians 2:7 Paul wrote, “For the mystery of lawlessness is already at work,” and by the early Second Century it was already well in force as the Torah was being widely discarded for new ways determined by the new generations of Church leadership.

Internal Scriptural evidence is clear that the early Apostles and Believers kept the seventh-day Sabbath, and that Sunday did not come onto the scene until after the death of the Apostles and some of their immediate successors.

updated 02 February, 2006


Lost Sheep, Only: I heard a Two-House teacher said that Yeshua came to “save only the lost sheep of the House of Israel.” This person extrapolated it as meaning that only physical descendants of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob could be saved. This disturbs me a great deal.

It disturbs us a great deal when people in the Two-House community advocate that only physical descendants of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob can be saved. The statement that Yeshua makes regarding the lost sheep of the House of Israel, presumably those of the scattered Northern Kingdom of Israel/Ephraim, appears in Matthew 15:24 in His encounter with the Canaanite woman (cf. Matthew 15:22). Yeshua, traveling near the city of Tyre in Phoenicia, encounters a woman who comes to Him, asking that her daughter might be healed from a demonic spirit. She is identified as being a Greek, specifically “a Syrophoenician by birth” (Mark 7:26, RSV). ISBE notes, “she was a non-Jewish native of the coastal region of Phoenicia…who possibly spoke Greek, though she may have been simply an inhabitant of the area” (C.N. Jefford, “Syrophoenician,” 4:694).

The Syrophoenician woman entreats the Messiah to cast the demon out of her daughter. In response, Yeshua says “I was sent only to the lost sheep of the house of Israel” (Matthew 15:24). This woman was not a Jewess, nor was she a member of the scattered Northern Kingdom. She was a complete Gentile, and identifies herself as a “dog” (v. 27). The Jews of the First Century did not always regard non-Jews as total outcasts, because many well-to-do Jews had dogs as pets. IVPBBC observes that “Jesus is making an illustration: the children must be fed before the pets” (NT p. 88). This would mean that the woman was in the “household of humanity,” so to speak, meaning among those who could be saved, but the first claim to the good news was to the Jews and to those of exiled Israel. However, she does not give up in her persistence, and Yeshua tells her, “O woman, your faith is great!” (Matthew 15:28). This is definitive prove against the claim that only physical Israelites can be saved, because the Syrophoenician woman had her request granted by the Messiah.

In the Biblical context of Yeshua saying that He came to save the lost sheep of the House of Israel, He says that the Syrophoenician woman’s faith was great. This is not an indication in the least that salvation is only available to physical descendants of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, but does place salvation going to those of Israel as being primary. Unfortunately, there are those in the Two-House community who are reading Scripture selectively and believe that only physical descendants of Israel can be saved. The Scriptural truth of the matter is that Israel is God’s vessel whereby the whole world might come to salvation.

It is also important to note, as Paul writes in Romans 9:6, “For not all Israelites truly belong to Israel” (NRSV). In the end, those who are considered to be of “Israel” must have faith in Israel’s Messiah, Yeshua. If they do not have salvation in Yeshua, even if they are of physical Israel, they will not be considered Israel in the end.

updated 08 November, 2006


Luke, Gospel of: What can you tell me about the composition of the Gospel of Luke?

Approximate date: late 50s to early 60s; or late 70s to early 80s
Author:
Luke the doctor
Location of author:
Rome or Achaia
Target audience and their location:
Theophilus, and broad groups of Jews and non-Jews

The Gospel of Luke is the longest of the Gospel narratives. It is extremely thorough in its scope and appeal, as the author is very knowledgeable of First Century Judaism and the larger Greco-Roman world that Israel was a part of at the time. His appeal is to a broad audience, both Jewish and non-Jewish, which has led some theologians to believe that he is trying to validate the growing Messianic sect to its Jewish and Roman critics.

There is a mass of evidence that Luke the physician was the author of this Gospel and the Book of Acts. An entire array of ancient Christian leaders acknowledged Lukan authorship, including: Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Tertullian. The Muratorian Canon and the anti-Mariconite Prologue to Luke also identify Luke as the author (Guthrie, 114). Irenaeus attests in Against Heresies, “Luke also, the companion of Paul, recorded in a book the Gospel preached by him” (3.1.1).

Colossians 4:14 has Paul identifying Luke as “the beloved physician.” While various theories are espoused as to Luke’s place of birth, it is largely agreed that Luke was certainly raised a Greek and later may have become a proselyte to Judaism. The text of Luke’s Gospel “reveal[s] more important characteristics of its author: his stylistic ability, which enables him to use various Greek dictions; his Hellenistic education, shown by his facile use of rhetorical conventions…his wide reading in Torah, manifested in his dense textual allusions and in the structure of his story; his storytelling ability, demonstrated by his striking vignettes and parables” (ABD, 4:404-405). Luke was without any doubt, a learned man of culture, and he demonstrates an affinity for Philippi, which boasted a medical school in ancient times where he may have been trained (Acts 16:12). Luke likely had some firsthand contact with Mary, as he spends an inornate amount of time writing about the particulars of Yeshua’s birth.

Conservative scholars are not agreed as to the exact dating of Luke’s Gospel, favoring either an early date of 59-63 C.E., or a later date sometime in the late 70s to early 80s. As Luke ends the Book of Acts abruptly, it is assumed by some that he did not survive long after the martyrdom of Paul in Rome, or may have been arrested prior to completing it. The dating of Luke depends on one’s interpretation of his phrase, “But when you see Jerusalem surrounded by armies, then recognize that her desolation is near” (Luke 21:20). Many interpret this as a reference to Jerusalem’s destruction at the hands of Titus. Luke is certainly adapting Matthew’s phraseology of “abomination of desolation” (Matthew 24:15) to a non-Jewish audience, but v. 21, “Then those who are in Judea must flee to the mountains” is not realized as the Jewish Believers in 70 C.E. fled to Pella which is not mountainous (Gundry, 209). The reference in Luke 21:20 must be futuristic in nature, which allows for a post-70 composition date.

Luke’s Gospel is written to the “most excellent Theophilus” (1:3), to whom he also directs Acts (1:1). There is not uniform agreement as to who or what “Theophilus” was, as the name Theophilos (Qeofiloß) in Greek means “one who loves God.” Some believe that it is directed to all lovers of God or Believers at the time, but it is employed as a proper name. It is safe to assume that Theophilus was an actual man, possibly a recent convert when Luke was writing, or possibly even Luke’s patron. Some have even speculated that the terminology “most excellent” indicates that Theophilus was a Roman official, and there is historical evidence that in the 80s families of Roman nobility began receiving Yeshua (IDB, 3:181). Certainly, Luke’s Gospel was not exclusively written to Theophilus, but a broad audience, especially including God-fearers in the Synagogue (Gundry, 206). Luke’s writing is certainly of a more Jewish character than Mark’s Gospel, but less than Matthew’s Gospel. Without a doubt, “his readers were Greek-speaking, and sufficiently acquainted with scriptural traditions to grasp at least the gist of his allusions” (ABD, 4:405).

Some in the Messianic community, believing the Gospel of Luke to have been originally written in Hebrew or Aramaic, believe that he wrote to a Theophilus who was high priest in Jerusalem, based on a vague reference to such a man in Josephus’ Antiquities of the Jews 18.123. However, in order for this to be the case, it would require a dating for this Gospel’s composition in the late 30s, which would have been prior to the conversion of Luke. It certainly does not account for the fact that a so-called “Hebrew speaking” high priest actually has a Greek name. Furthermore, Luke’s own name of Loukas (Loukaß) is of Greek origin, and modern Hebrew New Testament translations employ the form of Louqas (sqWl) for this Gospel’s title.

The Gospel of Luke, more than any other of the Apostolic Writings, demonstrates the highest competence in Greek, yet there are most certainly Semitic influences via the Septuagint: “Luke’s Greek is remarkable for its adaptability. The preface is modeled on classical patterns, which gives some insight into his cultural background. But after writing 1:1-4, he drops the literary style for a type of Greek strongly flavoured with Semitisms, which he uses for the infancy narratives. Subsequent to this he generally uses what may be described as good literary Koiné Greek…The strongly Hebraistic character of Luke’s Greek in this section is admirably adapted to link the incarnation of Jesus with the Old Testament history and that may well be the effect that Luke wished to create. By his obvious familiarity with the Septuagint, which he often cites throughout his gospel, Luke’s Greek has become strongly coloured with Hebraisms” (Guthrie, pp 131-132).

The place of Luke’s composition is not agreed upon, although there are various suggestions that are made. Rome is the first possible place of Luke’s composition, as Luke was a traveling companion of the Apostle Paul. It is suggested that Luke traveled with Paul to Rome, and while in Rome read Mark’s Gospel, which he used for the basis of his own Gospel. Another likely possibility is Achaia, as indicated in the Anti-Marcionite Prologue to Luke. Other suggested cities include Ephesus or Caesarea, but it is all dependent on where Theophilus was from (Guthrie, 110).

When compared to the Gospels of Mark and Matthew, Luke noticeably arranges the events in a slightly different order, likely because the priority he places on the events for his intended audience is different. This would have been especially true if Luke was indeed written to validate the growing Messianic sect as being legitimate in the eyes of the Pharisees and Rome (EXP, 8:800). Luke’s Gospel was written to a broad audience of Jews and non-Jews. His emphasis is summed up clearly in 19:20: “For the Son of Man has come to seek and to save that which was lost.” Luke describes the universal nature of the good news. He relies on eyewitness testimony; he describes the historicity of the narrative; and Luke makes aims to adequately address Yeshua’s Messianic claims.

Theologically, Luke’s Gospel is largely focused around three groups of narrative: events in Galilee (4:14-9:50), events in Judea and Perea (9:51-19:27), and Yeshua’s final week in Jerusalem (19:28-24:53). Unlike Matthew’s Gospel, which largely focuses on the Kingdom of God, Luke focuses on individuals, making strides by addressing the situation of women, children, and outsiders to the Jewish community like Samaritans.

Bibliography
Blaiklock, Edward M. “Luke,” in NIDB, 604.
__________________. “Luke, Gospel of,” in NIDB, pp 604-606.
Blair, E.P. “Luke, Evangelist,” in IDB, 3:179-180.
Ellis, E.E. “Luke, Gospel According to, “in ISBE, 3:180-186.
Gundry, Robert. “Luke: A Promotion of Christianity in the Greco-Roman World at Large,” in A Survey of the New Testament, pp 205-251.
Guthrie, Donald. “Luke’s Gospel,” in New Testament Introduction, pp 102-135.
Johnson, Luke Timothy. “Luke-Acts, Book of,” in ABD, 4:403-420.
Liefield, Walter L. “Luke,” in EXP, 8:797-1059.
Taylor, V. “Luke, Gospel of,” in IDB, 3:180-188.

updated 06 February, 2006


Lunar Sabbath: What do you think of the Lunar Sabbath theory?

We believe that there is no Biblical basis or historical evidence at all for the Lunar Sabbath theory. It is not acknowledged as having been practiced in ancient times by anyone in the scholastic community. The Sabbath or Shabbat is very clearly to be on a set seventh day of the week, which on our modern day calendar is commonly known as “Saturday.” The belief being espoused is that when the New Moon or Rosh Chodesh is spotted, then seven days after this is the Sabbath. This is extremely problematic when the New Moon is spotted in the middle of the six-day period from Sabbath to Sabbath, because then the counting to the Sabbath must start over and it is possible for one not to have a Sabbath rest for a period of 13 days.

posted 06 February, 2006


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